There is more to the game than the name
Original at http://zanat0s.typepad.com
Yesterday at an Event I organized with the help of some friends from Tokyo I was for the first confronted about an Issue that directly/indirectly influences me, my hometown and my country at large.
Most foreigners look at this and shrug and think that one is being bully and throwing around their weight. I do not expect N. Americans, British or anybody else to understand. Yes this issue has nothing to do with them or their countries. For me and my fellow nationals is a different story.
Probably they will never understand. I will definitely agree that the Greek Government is so disorganized that is losing the public battle and the battle for opinions. I can only add my voice to this issue. I only do that because i was piqued yesterday by a person and he brought me in a very difficult situation(which i didn't appreciate).
But this is my point people who do not get this dispute can make fun of it. My advice to the rest of you try to stay clear of sensitive matter that do not relate to you. I can only add my 2 cents of wisdom to this debate. I really did not want to do that. There are some intangible values in life which one cannot keep for oneself.
kopje's insistence on keeping the name Macedonia unsullied by any kind ofqualifying adjective, serves exactly Gligorov's project of 'freeing' one daythe 'unredeemed' parts of "Macedonia". Greece should insist that Skopjerepeatedly, officially and convincingly reject any idea of ever attempting to'liberate' lands that do not belong to them
The Fyrom authorities early last year decided to rename the country's main airport in Skopje into 'Aleksandar Veliki', after the ancient Greek conqueror Alexander the Great, adding fuel to a longlasting dispute with neighbouring Greece
LET US imagine what a scholar from Skopje might write to the Greek prime minister to argue that his country be recognised as the Republic of Macedonia.
"Dear Mr Karamanlis. I am addressing this letter to you both as a leader and as a Greek person with a certain family history. One of your direct ancestors was a 'karamanlis' (with a small k), ie an Orthodox Greek from the Karaman province in Anatolia so named after the 11th-century Seldjukid tribal leader who obliged Greeks to use the Turkish language only. Many complied but only in their speech. The result has been a number of interesting texts, the 'karamanlidika', which are in Turkish but written in the Greek script, the only one known to those who wrote them. When Greece became independent your ancestor left the Ottoman Empire and settled in the village of Kioupkioi (renamed Proti) near Serres. Your family have since become proud Macedonians. Don't you agree that we, who settled in the adjacent area some 12 centuries ago, also have the right to call ourselves Macedonians?
"People sometimes wonder why we reject our Slav identity. The reason is simple: because it serves us no purpose; because it does not bind us together; because Slavs can be Russians, Poles, Ukrainians, Slovenes etc and they fight each other like deadly enemies if it comes to that. The main reason we want to differ, however, is that we do not want to be Bulgarians. We want our own nation-state; we want to forge our own destiny.
"Greeks, Mr Karamanlis, are blessed with a glorious past, a prestigious culture and a language whose continuity is not matched by anything in the Balkans. That is why the Greeks were the first, with the help of western philhellenes, to gain their independence from the Ottomans. The other Balkan peoples tried hard to promote various mediaeval kings and heroes in order to forge themselves a 'national' tradition. As you know from your studies, nations are not only formed bottom-up but also top-down. In Italy, at the time of unification, the educated elite were estimated at 2.5 percent. No wonder Massimo d' Azeglio (1798-1866) declared in parliament: 'Now that we have made Italy, we have to make Italians.' In the same way when Yugoslavia disintegrated in the 1990s we moved on from the Socialist Republic of Macedonia to become the Republic of Macedonia, an independent state. In other words, we too made Macedonia and had then to make Macedonians. We chose Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander the Great as our ancestors. In this we ask for your indulgence and your understanding. Allow us to be called Macedonians, let us be Macedonians and not Bulgarians. In a few years time, side by side in Nato and the EU we will enter together the post-national era in the Balkans, leave behind ethno-nationalism and embrace the American type of civic patriotism based on commonly accepted values and rules."
Such a plea could perhaps interest and move: it could not convince. The 'Macedonian' identity these people chose to adopt has not been an innocuous fantasy to assist peaceful state-builders in their task. It has led to xenophobic chauvinism and strident exclusivism. Their schoolbooks present the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (Fyrom) - as the country is officially called after the Interim Agreement was signed in New York in 1995 - as a rump state. They also publish maps with the three Macedonias (Greek, Bulgarian and Fyrom) unified as one. Kiro Gligorov, the then president of Fyrom, welcomed on 14 September 1995 the Interim Agreement which he considered "a decisive step for the future of the Balkans". The selfsame man, however, writes in his Memoirs (Athens, Courier, 2000, p42) that "we have already achieved the freedom of one third of Macedonians, those that live in the Vardar part and have not yet addressed the question: what about our brothers in the other dispersed parts of Macedonia? From this question springs a view of foremost importance: a partly freed people are not free."
This is precisely the issue on which Greece ought to focus. Greece should move the emphasis from the name-as-symbol to the entity it symbolises; from the signifier to the signified, in linguistic terms. Skopje's insistence on keeping the name Macedonia unsullied by any kind of qualifying adjective, serves exactly Gligorov's project of "freeing" one day the "unredeemed" parts of 'Macedonia'. Greece should insist that Skopje repeatedly, officially and convincingly reject any idea of ever attempting to "liberate" lands that do not belong to them. In expensive advertisements published lately in all the major British and American papers the Skopje authorities mention as one of their "substantial concessions" to Greece that their country "has no territorial aspirations towards any neighbouring state and will not interfere in the sovereign right of the Greek government in respect of minority issues in Greece."
In what way, pray, is this a "concession"?
Any international organisation must demand an answer to this question as a preliminary to any accession application by Fyrom. A name for their country that would reflect the real, deep, genuine will of Skopje to live in peace with all their neighbours should be a precondition for membership. As for the Alexander the Great type of folie des grandeurs this is a question for psychiatrists not politicians or diplomats...
Thanx to Mark Dragoumis from Athens News



